Washington Rep. Norm Dicks, shown here shaking hands with actor Chris Klein, has effectively taken over control of the House defense appropriations subcommittee and is expected to be voted its next chairman following the unexpected death of John Murtha, a democratic house leadership aide told The Cable.

"Mr. Dicks is now acting chair of defense appropriations and likely will be approved by the caucus for it permanently, should he choose that over [his current chairmanship of] the interior subcommittee," the aide said.

That confirms the somewhat less definitive statements by House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer, D-MD, who told reporters Tuesday, "My expectation is, assuming the system works as it has historically worked in terms of seniority on the committee, that an extraordinarily able member of the Congress of the United States, very well-rounded in defense policy who has served on the committee for well over two decades, Norm Dicks, will presumably take the chairmanship."

The Dicks ascension spells trouble for the Air Force, which has been battling to complete the first part of its $100 billion contract for a new fleet of aerial refueling tankers. Dicks represents a district where Boeing is a major employer and campaign donor. He makes no excuses for defending Boeing's interests at every turn.

Boeing is one of two competitors for the contract. The Air Force initially selected the consortium of Northrop Grumman and the North American division of EADS, but Boeing successfully protested that award. Dicks could also thwart the administration's plans to stop building the C-17 cargo aircraft, also produced by Boeing.

"For the past 30 years or so, one would have been wise to bet on the town of Johnstown, PA," said one senior congressional aide, referring to Murtha's district, which saw a multi-billion-dollar windfall during Murtha's rein as chairman, "Now it's time to buy Boeing stock."

In Congress, the use of leadership positions to drive dollars to constituents rarely fails to raise questions about the conflicting responsibilities of representing a district and looking out for the best interests of the nation. But earmarks and pork-barrel spending are a legal and time-honored part of the system.

"This is just the way some of these guys work, If they can do something for their districts, they will," the aide said. "And there's a good argument to be made that's what they were sent there to do."

Alex Wong/Getty Images

At last week's Senate Intelligence committee hearing, top officials acknowledged that President Obama's campaign promise to drastically alter U.S. policy toward Cuba is meeting some significant roadblocks.

"Cuba has demonstrated few signs of wanting a closer relationship with the United States," DNI Adm. Dennis Blair said in his prepared remarks. "President Raúl Castro fears that rapid or significant economic change would undermine regime control and weaken the revolution, and his government shows no signs of easing his repression of political dissidents."

Despite some cooperation during the Haiti crisis, the State Department sees few signs that the Cuban government is genuinely interested in repairing relations, despite an encouraging start. Last April, the Obama administration made a series of small changes to America's Cuba policy, some related to family travel and remittances. The two sides held migration talks in July and discussed mail service in September. In October, Bisa Williams, then a deputy assistant secretary of state, traveled to Havana to hold talks on resuming direct mail service between the two countries.

But since the Williams visit, there hasn't been much good news to report, and Williams has moved on to be nominated for U.S. ambassador to Niger.

"Well, if you look at Cuba from November until now you'll see that they've had more of a strident tone and series of actions," a State Department official working on the issue told The Cable. "There were some improvements in terms of our ability to operate in Cuba and our interest section in Cuba ... we hope that the Cuban government will take positive measures of its own to improve the conditions for the Cuban people -- and there we haven't seen very much."

Advocates of engagement with the Castro regime criticize an administration policy they see as being based on "conditionality," waiting for the Cubans to respond to American overtures before taking further steps. That strategy is not likely to produce progress, they argue. But the official said the U.S. approach is not based on conditionality at all.

"What we said was that we hoped that there would be positive measures undertaken not because of what we were doing but because of the need to improve conditions, period. We've not said that if we do this, then you'll do that."

The official did mention some measures the Cuban government could take that would be viewed as positive signs by the U.S. side, such as lowering charges on remittances and increasing respect for religious freedom among Cuban citizens. But those are "suggestions" not "conditionalities," the official insisted.

The bottom line is that the Obama team hasn't seen any real steps by the Cuban government in response to the steps they've already taken and no further steps by the U.S. side are planned right now. Talks between the governments have stopped and planned talks on migration have yet to be scheduled.

Obama had also promised to reform the Cold War-era sanctions regime, but when asked why there is no drive to alter the underlying laws, administration officials point back to Congress, where a bipartisan group of lawmakers stands poised to obstruct any such effort.

Some of them, like Florida Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen and New Jersey Sen. Robert Mendendez, hail from areas with strong anti-Castro populations. Other opponents of lifting sanctions, such as Sen. Joseph Lieberman, I-CT, have more ideological reasons.

The Obama team doesn't see anyone, however, willing to overcome such opposition and push hard for repealing sanctions. "The reality is that this administration is very much based on setting priorities and making sure they're going after the right priorities," the official said. "They're pretty busy, so taking on another issue like this where there is not a clear drive on the Hill, is a pretty substantial undertaking."

So the Cuba issue continues to be managed, but not radically rethought inside the administration. Day-to-day operations are run through the State Department's Cuba desk, which sits under the assistant secretary for Western hemisphere affairs, Arturo Valenzuela, and the deputy assistant secretary who manages Cuba issues, Julissa Reynoso.

Higher-level policy decisions are overseen by the senior director for the Western hemisphere at the National Security Council, Dan Rastrepo. When it comes to sanctions, Adam Szubin, the director for the Office of Foreign Assets Control at Treasury, is a key figure. The deputy assistant secretary for Western hemisphere affairs at the Pentagon is Frank Mora, and he handles defense-related issues.

Overall, the Obama team is still looking for ways to make incremental changes in the U.S. approach to Cuba, probably without the direct involvement or cooperation of the Cuban regime.

"The fact that we don't have anything to announce doesn't mean that everything has ground to a halt," the official said. "On the contrary, we are continuing to look for ways to advance our interests where it's going to be important to U.S. citizens. Again, our hope is that the Cuban government will respond to the needs of their own population."

The U.S. and Japanese sides have met several times to discuss the still unresolved dispute over moving a Marine Corps base from one part of Okinawa from the other.

No progress was reported, but insiders say that the Obama administration is waiting to allow the new Tokyo government time to sort out its internal and domestic problems and present its views before deciding whether to apply more pressure on the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ).

Meanwhile, Virginia Sen. Jim Webb, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee on Asia, isn't waiting for anybody and plans to travel to Tokyo, Okinawa, and Guam on a week-long trip starting Saturday. 

The aim of Webb's tour is to "listen carefully to the views of the current Japanese government, the leaders and citizens of Okinawa and Guam, and U.S. military leaders and personnel stationed in the Pacific region," his office said in a statement.

Webb's trip to Japan was his own idea and not part of any coordinated administration diplomatic effort with Japan. As with his other Asia diplomacy, Webb is expected to express his own views, which may or may not line up with those of the Obama administration.

"Given his history of taking independent stances on certain issues, like Burma, officials at both State and DOD are probably going to warily watch his discussions with Tokyo," said Michael Auslin, scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, "If he concludes that the Obama administration's position is the right one, however, that will likely put more pressure on Prime Minister Hatoyama to accede to the 2006 agreement."

Webb's trip is also another step in his drive to increase the congressional role in Asia policymaking, which was not a priority for the previous subcommittee chair, Barbara Boxer (D-CA). Webb's travel to Burma last summer drew fire from some, but his call for engaging the Burmese junta was later largely adopted by the Obama administration.

It remains to be seen whether his new trip will help resolve the U.S.-Japan basing dispute.

"Our alliance with Japan is a cornerstone of our strategic engagement in Asia," Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell said in testimony before Webb's committee last month. Campbell reiterated the U.S. policy that the 2006 agreement over the base was the best way forward, but also indicated that the U.S. side wanted to show patience and flexibility toward the DPJ.

"As we approach the 50th anniversary of the alliance, we will work closely with our friends in Japan to think creatively and strategically about the alliance," said Campbell, who was traveling in the region last week.

Webb has a long personal history with Japan, dating back to his military service and his time as a journalist. Most of his book The Emperor's General, a historical novel focusing on Gen. Douglas McArthur, is set in postwar Japan

Well, it wouldn't be most people's choice for a Valentine's weekend getaway, but nevertheless, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is headed to Qatar andbthen Saudi Arabia at the end of this week, the State Department announced Tuesday.

In Qatar on February 14, she willbmeet with Amir Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, as well as Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim Al-Thani. Secretary Clinton will also speak at the U.S.-Islamic World Forum, being hosted by the Qatari Government and the Saban Center on the evening of February 14.

During her February 15-16 visit to Saudi Arabia, Secretary Clinton will meet with King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz Al Saud as well as Foreign Minister Prince Saud Al-Faisal.

France's announcement that it will sell an advanced amphibious assault ship to Russia should not complicate ongoing negotiations over Iran sanctions, according to the State Department's top spokesman.

Lawmakers had threatened that if the French government went through with the sale, which would be the first major arms sale to Russia from a NATO country, they would retaliate by resisting administration efforts to exempt France and other countries from sanctions in the Iran legislation making its way through Congress.

It was never clear how serious the threat was, but nonetheless the administration says it will insist on the exemptions, despite the French decision.

"I wouldn't blend the two together," said State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley, who noted that negotiations between the administration and lawmakers over Chris Dodd's Iran sanctions legislation are ongoing.

"One of the issues we will be talking to Congress about is to make sure the president has sufficient flexibility to be able to work with other countries effectively for our shared goal of finding ways to put appropriate pressure on Iran to change course," Crowley added.

The Senate passed the bill by unanimous consent late last month but the administration will argue for its changes when the bill meets the House version in conference. That conference is not expected until after the administration pursues a new U.N. resolution on Iran.

As for the weapons deal with Russia, "obviously is it something we will consult with the French on and other countries in the region," said Crowley, referring to statements by Defense Secretary Robert Gates yesterday, who was in Paris. Gates signaled American displeasure with the decision but declined to specify what the U.S. might do about it, if anything.

France's announcement that it will sell the Mistral-class amphibious assault ship to Russia comes at a delicate time for U.S. relations with and Russia, not to mention Georgia, which sees the ship as a potential threat.

Almost every article about the Mistral quotes Russian Adm. Vladimir Vysotskiy, who said in September that the ship "would have allowed [Russia's] Black Sea Fleet to accomplish its mission in 40 minutes" during the 2008 Georgia war, "not 26 hours which is how long it took us."

Russian leaders have distanced themselves from Vysotskiy's statement, but Russian President Vladimir Putin has made clear he will not foreswear using the Mistral wherever his government pleases.

Mohsen Sazegara knows a lot about Iran's Islamic Revolution. As a founder of the Revolutionary Guard in 1979 who later became disillusioned with the direction of Iran's politics, he is in a unique position to talk both about the current Iranian regime and the nation that is increasingly rising up to resist it. His personal website has become a core destination for the protest movement and he contributes to that movement from his suburban Washington home.

In an interview Monday with The Cable, the former revolutionary and political prisoner spoke about what he sees as the looming tipping point in the struggle between the government of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and an increasing part of the Iranian population. The upcoming protests this Thursday, Feb. 11, will bring that tipping point ever closer, according to Sazegara. Here's how he says the West should think about what's going on inside Iran and how that should inform U.S. thinking on the nuclear issue.

JR: What do you make of the news that Iran will increase its enrichment of uranium to 20 percent?

MS: I think that they are not able to get to 20 percent enriched uranium very easily... This is just something to show the world that they intend to go for higher enriched uranium. Inside Iran, President Ahmadinejad himself, he thinks that if he could have a deal that would be helpful for him inside Iran. But the other factions of power in Iran, including the leader and especially the Revolutionary Guard, they won't let him go there.  It's a mess, anyway, and I think that nobody can sign any agreement in this situation with the P5+1, especially because of the situation inside Iran.

JR:  How should the Obama administration react to what's going on inside Iran? What should he do?

MS: At the end of the day, the nation is fighting with the Revolutionary Guard for its human rights and freedom. The nuclear issue lies with the other conflicts between the international community and the Revolutionary Guard, like terrorism or the peace process in the region. The international conflict is with the Revolutionary Guard because these projects are controlled by the Revolutionary Guard.  So I think that the best reaction is sanctions against the Revolutionary Guard and companies in Iran.... Sanctions against the Revolutionary Guard are something that can help, especially if they are connected to the democratic and human rights situation in Iran. At the same time they will help control the nuclear situation as well.

I hope that the Obama administration and other democratic countries will be more supportive of the struggle of the people of Iran for democracy and human rights. I can summarize it in four items. First, sanctions against the Revolutionary Guard. Second, technical support like satellite Internet for Iran and pressure on companies like Nokia which have sold devices to control SMS, cell phones, and Internet in Iran. Third, help asylum seekers. Some of the activists, journalists and freedom seekers are now out of Iran in Turkey, Iraq, or Dubai. We need to help to bring them to Western countries. The last one is, please everybody, help to prevent any military strike against Iran, especially from Israel, because it would be a gift for this regime. We believe that this regime will be overthrown by the people, and a military strike would be the only solution for this regime to save the government.

JR: Are there leaders of the protest movement that Western governments should engage with?

MS: The organization of the movement is a decentralized social, political network in Iran. Our slogan is "every soldier is a leader and every leader is a soldier," and that has worked so far... I think that the general support of the international community and the United States at this stage is enough. With this type of organization and the unity we have among all the opposition factions, now we are going ahead. There will be enough time after bringing down this government in a democratic Iran to talk to the politicians who will be in power.

JR: What are the goals and tactics of the protest movement?

MS: The goal of the movement is to bring down the government. To reach that goal there are four sub-goals, which are all based on peaceful resistance and nonviolence. First, delegitimization of the regime. Second, strength of the resistance and solidarity of the nation. Third, making rifts and cracks inside the regime. And fourth, paralyzing the regime. We have achieved several victories toward all four goals so far. On the other side, the regime has conducted a collection of brutalities, shooting people on the streets, imprisonment and rape of prisoners, beating the people on the streets, terrorist groups assassinating activists, and executions. They have tested all types of brutality that they thought would be useful to defeat the movement.

JR: What will happen on February 11 and after?

MS: On Feb. 11, the people of Iran will show they are not afraid of what the government has done in the last step, what we call the second wave of brutality of the regime. So after Feb. 11, the balance of power will be changed between the nation and the regime; the nation will be more powerful. After that, we think that we can go for the final action. I can't say when, where, or even how.  What I can foresee is when you have a balance of power where the people are more powerful, any simple action, anything can happen, just by some accident the clock, the final action will start.

JR: What is the "final action"?

MS: In any movement like that, there is an action that the government can't return from. Many sources of its power will be overcome by the people.... We think the regime can rely only on 30,000 troops among the police, the Revolutionary Guard, and the Basij. They don't have any volunteers, they have lots of cracks now, and after Feb. 11 they will have less than that. They are melting gradually in front of the nation.

Some say that on Feb. 11, they may arrest Ahmadinejad in the square. I don't know, it may happen or it may not. The Revolutionary Guard is trying to bring 200,000 people from all around the country to Tehran to have a show. They are trying to overcome the voice of the nation... they want to send their own pictures of whatever they want to show. They want to shield the demonstration from the people and show they do have supporters. But this is a risk for them, to bring Ahmadinejad to the square.

People are now talking about going to have a gathering at the Evin prison. Maybe it will happen a few days later. But definitely on Feb. 11 there will be millions of people marching on the streets. It doesn't matter how hard they try to lie about the demonstrations. When people show they are not afraid of executions, then the balance of power is to the nation. So something will happen sooner or later after that.

Cable readers already know the pernicious role that illicit cash can play in the U.S. politics, but it's nothing compared to what goes on in Japan, where the mafia organization known as the yakuza has deep ties to even the country's top leaders.

The recently-released Tokyo Vice, by American reporter Jake Adelstein, is the most in-depth look at the group published in English. In 2008, Adelstein broke the blockbuster story of top yakuza boss Tadamasa Goto, the "John Gotti of Japan," who made a deal with the FBI to rat out his cohorts in exchange for a liver transplant at UCLA.

He literally risked his life while writing Tokyo Vice and remains in constant danger as he continues to break news all over Japan. A great explanation of the yakuza can be found in this excerpt, titled, Bury Me In a Shallow Grave: When the Yakuza Come Calling (pdf).

Jake's introduction to the chapter, written for The Cable, explains how one current cabinet minister in Japan is alleged to have deep and longstanding ties to the mafia there:

This chapter from the book deals with the first time I ever met a yakuza boss as reporter and is also an introduction the role of the yakuza in modern Japanese society. I hope people find it elucidating.

As noted in the text, Japan's longest ruling political party, the Liberal Democrat Party, was originally founded with yakuza money.  Associations with the yakuza don't seem to be much of a deterrent to holding political office in Japan.

Kamei Shizuka, the current Minister of Financial Services, according to the Weekly Economist, at one time received 40,000,000 yen from a stock-speculating front company Cosmopolitan--which was run by the notorious yakuza crime boss, Ikeda Yasuji. He also received political donations from the late nineties until 2001 from Kajiyama Susumu, a Yamaguchi-gumi Goryokai member and so-called emperor of loan sharks. Kajiyama himself laundered millions of dollars in Switzerland and the US.  When I asked a reporter at one major newspaper why Kamei's past associations with yakuza members wasn't an issue--he simply replied, "The Personal Information Protection Act (PIPA) makes it difficult to write about these things."

Minister Kamei is in the unusual position of being the de facto boss of the Financial Services Agency (FSA) in Japan, which is responsible for uncovering corporate malfeasance and making sure that the yakuza make no further incursions into Japan's already tainted financial markets...

The law was put in place after former Prime Minister Mori became distressed about numerous periodicals writing about his social connections to yakuza figures and touching upon the possibility that he had been arrested in a prostitution raid in his youth. He initiated the movement to create the law and the LDP delivered. In a way, the yakuza are responsible for that legislation---which has successfully muzzled the press and according to lawyers specializing in dealing with organized crime interventions in civil affairs, "has only protected politicians and made it increasingly difficult to discern whether a business is a legitimate entity or a yakuza front company."

In my humble opinion, if you want to understand the nitty-gritty of Japanese politics, you can't avoid dealing with yakuza issues on one level or another. There have been a great number of politicians with associations to them, though most of the politicians with yakuza ties usually conveniently kill themselves after an investigation begins.  I've always taken this to mean that suicidal politicians somehow find it very enticing to do business with organized crime. I suppose you could argue that they actually wind up getting killed and having their suicides staged. Possible.

The other reason that yakuza can't be ignored in the political sphere is they have lots of money.  The Yamaguchi-gumi, with 40,000 members is probably the second or third largest private equity groups in Japan and as the Japanese say, ????????? (jigoku no sata mo kane shidai) ---" Even in the depths of hell, money talks."  When money talks, politicians listen.

This statement was just sent out by Matthew Mazonkey, spokeseman for Rep. John Murtha, D-PA.

WASHINGTON, D.C. -- Congressman John P. Murtha (PA-12) passed away peacefully this afternoon at 1:18 p.m. at Virginia Hospital Center in Arlington, VA.  At his bedside was his family. 

Murtha, 77, was Chairman of the House Appropriations Subcommittee on Defense. 

First elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in February of 1974, Murtha dedicated his life to serving his country both in the military and in the halls of Congress.  A former Marine, he became the first Vietnam War combat Veteran elected to the U.S. Congress.

This past Saturday, February 6, 2010, Murtha became Pennsylvania's longest serving Member of Congress. 

A complete biography is available on his website.